Friday, November 29, 2019
Influence Tactics Essays - Social Psychology, Human Behavior, Belief
Influence Tactics Mr. Hick has attempted in this article Influence Tactics to group the various methods people use in influencing others into eight basic clusters. These clusters are 1) reason, 2) coalition, 3) friendliness, 4) bargaining, 5) assertiveness, 6) higher authority, 7) sanctions and 8) symbol management. Although there are hundreds of methods people use to get their way, most can fall under the heading of one of these clusters. Reason is considered one of the most popular means of influencing others. It is often used in tandem with other methods. With reason, we appeal to someone else using logic, data or information to support our actions. It should be made clear to the other person that this is in fact what we are doing. If we try to reason using a secret agenda it can lead to distrust. I have tried when directing shows to reason with people fairly. When I take the time to make my motivations clear and convince others to see my side I am, more times than not, happy with the results. People in theatre are often a bit more temperamental than your average person. I have found it effective to massage them toward my ideas. I would link Coalition and Higher Authority together. The former is enlisting the aid of your allies and supporters to further your requests, while the later uses higher-level authorities to back you in influencing others. Both can work but I feel coalition is more effective. It provides the additional benefit of influencing others who are not under your authority. I have used this tactic. People are often better convinced by an ally or by the power of a group. It removes the whole stubborn routine of fighting against something because so and so wants you to. Another tactic which works well, at least when working with subordinates, is Bargaining. As long as both sides feel theyve been treated fairly, it usually produces excellent results. We, as humans, want to feel like we have a say in the matter. If we enter a bargain, we feel obligated to produce. Along with this comes Friendliness. It too can be of great use in getting what you want from others. The most important thing is to be sincere. People see through false behavior and will not trust you if they see it. On the harder side of things we can use Assertiveness and Sanctions. These can be effective if you are frank with your subordinates. Using this tactic as a manipulative device will only lead to resentment. Sanctions are sometimes similar to bargaining. If you do this behavior you will be rewarded/punished. The last influence tactic is Symbol Management. Many corporate cultures get desired behavior from employees by enlisting this tool. Symbolism can be very influential. We often do as we see. Proper role models, policies, mottos and positive actions at a firm will often bring desired results. Even in my career, when I have created an atmosphere of hard work and dedication for our cause, I have seen great results. I think the most important thing we must do when we use any of these tactics is to keep our purpose clear and vary the ways we go about getting people do what we want. Influence does not have to be a negative event. Business
Monday, November 25, 2019
How to Conjugate French Spelling-Change Verbs
How to Conjugate French Spelling-Change Verbs There are two groups of otherwise regular -er verbs that have spelling changes in certain conjugations due to hard and soft consonants and vowels. That is, they are conjugated like regular -er verbs, except for slight spelling variations in certain conjugations in order to maintain soft consonant sounds throughout. They are known as are spelling-change verbs. The Consequences of Orthography These orthographic changes occur because of how hard and soft letters affect pronunciation. The letters  a, o, and u are sometimes called hard vowels while e and i are soft vowels. Certain consonants (c, g, s) change pronunciation according to which vowel follows them. Place the soft vowels e or i after them, and they have a soft sound; place the sometimes hard vowels a, o and u after these consonants and you could get a hard-sounding consonant. The spelling-change verbs follow these rules of orthography. Thus, wherever the g in -ger verbs is followed by a hard vowel like o, it changes to ge to keep the g soft, as in gel. In -cer verbs, wherever the c is followed by a hard vowel, it changes to à § to keep the c soft, as in cell. The Actual Changes: -cer Verbs Generally, for -cer verbs, the  c à § spelling change is found only in the imperative and the nous conjugation of the present tense: lanà §ons. It is also needed in the present participle, lanà §ant, but not the past participle, lancà ©. All verbs that end in -cer undergo this spelling change, including:    annoncer to announce   avancer  to advance   commencer  to begin   dà ©noncer  to denounce   divorcer  to divorce   effacer  to erase   lancer  to throw   menacer  to threaten   placer  to put   prononcer  to pronounce   remplace  to replace   renoncer  to renounce The Actual Changes: -ger Verbs For -ger verbs, the g ge spelling change is likewise found only in the imperative and the present tense nous conjugation: mangeons. It is needed in the present participle, mangeant, but not the past participle, mangà ©. All verbs that end in -ger undergo this spelling change, including:    arranger  to arrange   bouger  to move   changer  to change   corriger  to correct   dà ©courager  to discourage   dà ©mà ©nager  to move   dà ©ranger  to disturb   diriger  to direct   encourager  to encourage   engager  to bind   exiger  to demand   juger  to judge   loger  to lodge   manger  to eat   mà ©langer  to mix   nager  to swim   obliger  to oblige   partager  to share   rà ©diger  to write   voyager  to travel For both types of spelling-change verbs, these slight changes also occur in the following tenses and moods: Imperfect - singular conjugations plus the third person pluralPassà © simple - all conjugations except the third person pluralImperfect subjunctive - all conjugations For both, there is no spelling change in the conditional, future, or subjunctive. See the Full Conjugations to Understand Check out the full conjugations of spelling-change -ger verbs and -cer verbs for a global picture of how these small changes affect spelling. One caveat: Do not confuse spelling-change verbs with stem-changing verbs. They are completely different, as their names indicate.
Friday, November 22, 2019
Write a paper about Michael Pollan's Food Rules Essay
Write a paper about Michael Pollan's Food Rules - Essay Example This has generated a common concern among people i.e. to search for ways to ensure healthy eating and maintaining a smart figure. The book â€Å"Food Rules†by â€Å"Martic Pollan†is very different from the conventional nutritional guides in that it teaches to control human activities more than calorie count, that is the focus of discussion in most of the nutritional guides. The book fundamentally discusses human psychology with respect to food. According to Pollan, although it is good to distinguish between right food and wrong food, yet the ultimate factor that decides the impact of food on an individual is the right or wrong habits. The book is based upon 64 simple and easy to follow rules that one should employ in everyday life from the start of the day till its end. For example, Pollan emphasizes in-take of a heavy meal in the breakfast, moderate in the lunch and lightest in the dinner. Likewise, he suggests never to eat up to the full capacity. Pollan believes that grandmas can be consulted to learn if a certain food should be consumed or not. Pollan suggests more in-take of fresh fruits a nd vegetables than meat. One should eat on the table and not while wandering, driving or watching tv. Rule No. 58 of Michael Pollan suggests us to â€Å"attend†food. (Pollen) says, â€Å"If we eat while were working, or while watching TV or driving, we eat mindlessly -- and as a result eat a lot more than we would if we were eating at a table.†One should not eat processed food. Junk food can be consumed but only the one that is home made. One can eat all the junk food and as much as one wants and still be slim and smart provided that one knows where to eat that. No wonder it sounds little absurd! To read this, one would wonder what one’s place of eating has got to do with the effect of food on body, though the relation is very strong and human psychology explains that. When eating is accompanied with another activity, one pay’s less attention to the volume of
Wednesday, November 20, 2019
Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words
Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 - Term Paper Example airports, trying to avoid the irrational industry absorption that would eventually lead to increase in prices along with reduction in services, and encouraging the entry of airlines into newer markets thereby strengthening the services of the small air carriers as well. Several restrictions on airline operations were removed as part of the Act. Restrictions on domestic routes and new services were eliminated completely with complete end of the domestic fare regulation. These changes had been quite rapid in process (Airline Deregulation Legislation Act 1978, n.d.). The present study has considered learning on the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 discussion on the effects of regulation and deregulation and what is still being regulated in the industry. The deregulation of the airline industry had begun in the year 1979. Before that, the Civil Aeronautics Board had control over both the routes that airlines took off as well as the prices of the ticket that were charged, where the major goal of the Board was to serve the interest of the public. As the deregulation initiated, airlines that were nationally owned and could be considered as robust, prepared, and competent by the Department of Transportation (DOT) were allowed to fly on any domestic route. The principal regulatory responsibility of the DOT altered from supporting an airline’s operations for the interest of the public to making decisions whether an airline was operating in harmony with the standards of safety and other processes of operations (Competition and Regulation in the Airline Industry, 2002, p.1). From the time when the deregulation started in 1979, the airline industry in U.S. has been obtained to have grown enormously. A growth of around 225 percent was experienced by the country over this period of time. On the other hand, Canada, where airline industry was deregulated later and encountered lesser competition than the United States, experienced a lesser growth rate of 80 percent. Thus, it
Monday, November 18, 2019
Using Of Natural And Eco-Friendly Materials Research Paper
Using Of Natural And Eco-Friendly Materials - Research Paper Example Environmentally friendly fashion is good for the universe, is good for human beings, is good for animals, and lasts for a long time. The environmentally friendly fashion is, therefore, sensitive to the environment using the advancing technology to create recycled and synthetic materials. The environmentally friendly fashion aims at creating a balance in nature through preservation of biodiversity. The environmentally friendly fashion strikes a balance between profit, people, and the planet (Stapley-Ponikowski para. 4). Every product is created from raw materials and energy. The raw materials that make the make these products have different effects on the environment. The manufacturer is required by the law to use products that have minimal damage to the environment. To be able to achieve this feat the manufacturer has to consider the following options while creating his product (Sympatico Clothing para. 7). The material that is used to create plays a vital role in the amount of damage the environment has on the environment. Products created from materials that are less harmful to the environment have less damage than those made from harmful materials. Heavy metals such as lead and mercury affect our environment causing endless loss of lives to the flora and fauna. Companies seeking to protect our universe from extinction should use less harmful materials to manufacture their products (Stapley-Ponikowski para. 5). To limit the amount of damage caused to the environmental organizations should consider using a reduced amount of material to create their products. The use of a smaller amount of materials will require the company to critique whether their product would still be viable after the reduction.
Saturday, November 16, 2019
Responses to Genocide: Political and Humanitarian Strategies
Responses to Genocide: Political and Humanitarian Strategies Political expediency and humanitarian imperatives in response to genocide This dissertation examines the humanitarian crisis in the Sudanese region of Darfur during 2003-2004, a situation that has continued through to 2005. Recent reports from the World Food Programme estimate that the violence carried out by the tacitly government-supported militias against the non-Arab civilian population in the region has left 3.5 million people hungry, 2.5 million displaced by the violence and 400, 000 dead. The Darfur crisis has been a humanitarian disaster unseen since the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. It has been a situation that ultimately foreign governments and international organisations have been unable to ignore. Chapter two examines firstly the theoretical questions behind humanitarian intervention. The realist theory of international affairsis at the heart of the debate – realism suggests that states should puttheir own security and self interest before any moral obligation to intervene. Set in the context of Darfur, there was nothing within the individual national interest of other individual states to intervene, yet at some point in the crisis the common assumption moved towards afeeling that intervention on the basis of humanity was required. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 and the international response at the time isused as an example of realism dictating the initial response of theinternational community, only to be overtaken by a more moral based response once the sheer scale of the crisis and human rights abuses became apparent. Chapter three looks at events in Darfur in detail, from the beginnings of the crisis to the current situation. Using media sourcesas well as reports from organisation such as the UN and Human Rights Watch, this chapter summarises the main events of the crisis, with examples of the indiscriminate violence used by the government-backed Janjaweed militias against the civilian population in Darfur. The response of the Sudanese government along with the steps it took to prevent humanitarian intervention are describes, as are the actions, or in many cases, the inaction of sections of the international community.  The actions of the Sudanese Government would appear to be driven by the state centric realism that Webber and Smith term â€Å"acentral driving force for human motivation, namely a quest for power†Chapter Four attempts to analyse events in Darfur against the theoretical frameworks detailed in chapter two. Realist assumptions continue to carry a certain weight in international politics, but there are examples of some more ethical policy making within the international community. The roles of the Sudanese Government, the UN, the US and other Western nations are looked at against theoretical positions. Chapter Five offers some conclusions on the internationalresponse to Darfur. At the heart of any analysis of the international response to thecrisis in Darfur lies the question why should anyone care about Darfur.Whilst theories supporting just wars and humanitarian intervention fromthe likes of Kaldor and Walzer argue that there is a basic humanmorality that requires states that are able to intervene to stop thesuffering of oppressed people, a realist perspective, one thatrepresented the initial international response to Darfur, is that thekey value of national interest is independence and security. It is aquestion that has been at the crux of international relations forcenturies – intervention in the affairs of another sovereign state isan issue that has generated much debate. State sovereignty has long been a fundamental pillar of internationalsociety and non-intervention has ensured that individual states canmaintain their political independence and territorial integrity.International organisations have generally supported this principlewith, for example, Resolution 2131 of the UN General Assembly in 1965stating: â€Å"No state has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly in theinternal or external affairs of any other state. Consequently, armedintervention and all other forms of interference or attempted threatsagainst the personality of the State or against its political,economic, or cultural elements are condemned†. Regional organisationshave taken a similar stance – the Organisation of American Statestotally prohibits direct or indirect intervention in the affairs ofanother state. A wide range of political theory also supports the viewthat sovereignty is all-important and one state should not interfere inthe affairs of another. Nonetheless, international affairs since the establishment of thenation-state have seen intervention by states in the affairs of otherfor a number of reasons. The earliest interventions were for economicand strategic reasons and to secure territorial security – nineteenthcentury European interventions in Africa and Asia to establish coloniesserve as an example of this. In the early twentieth century the USbegan to utilise a different type of intervention, intervening in theaffairs of Central American states such as Nicaragua to encouragedomestic political order, reduce economic corruption and reinforce itsown influence in the region. Such action drew the attention of realistcritics who have influence US foreign policy thinking more recently.Realists have alleged that the adherence to moral principles and thefailure in the past to understand the â€Å"power essence†of interstaterelations has led to unwise and unsuccessful policies , for example tofailed humanitarian int ervention in Somalia. Certainly, the memories ofSomalia will have effected thinking on a political and humanitarianresponse to Darfur. The Cold War saw intervention across the globe by the two superpowerseither to enhance their own strategic security or to advanceideological goals, for example the USSR moving to strengthen communismin Czechoslovakia in 1968 or the US challenging anti-democratic forcesin Grenada in 1983. It is however, humanitarian intervention that is most relevant to thesituation in Darfur, an type of intervention that according to JackDonnelly is foreign intervention that seeks â€Å"to remedy mass andflagrant violations of the basic rights of foreign nationals by theirgovernment†  The failure of states and subsequent abuses of humanrights in the latter stages of the twentieth century have presentedother governments with numerous scenarios where they have to makedecisions as to whether military intervention for humanitarian reasonsis justified. It is a complex issue that poses a number of legal andmoral issues. Amstutz argues that humanitarian intervention presents a legalchallenge to the accepted systems of state sovereignty along with amoral challenge to the right of self-determination. Whilst the demandfor order, justice, stability and human rights may override theseconcerns, politicians are also faced with the decision as to whether,how and when their country should instigate humanitarian intervention.Such interventions can generally be justified if two criteria are met:firstly that humanitarian intervention be in the interests of theintervening state, i.e. that it perceives the human rights abuses inthe foreign state as a general threat to the order, legitimacy andmorality of global society, or as a particular threat to its owneconomic prosperity; secondly that the intervention must be in theinterests of the civilian population of the intervened state and thatthe legal and moral issues around military intervention can bejustified by the overall good that is accomplished. NATO intervent ionin Bosnia can be seen as an example of a situation that met the formercriteria, the situationsin both Rwanda and Darfur would appear to meetthe latter. Michael Walzer who has written extensively on just war theory andintervention argues that humanitarian intervention should be seen asdifferent from instigating a military conflict. As well as the legalistargument against intervention in the affairs of another state, there isalso the difficulty of intervention in a country that has not committedaggression against another state – there is a danger that interveningstates can be seen as portraying the message treat your people the waywe believe you should or be subject to the threat of armed punishment.Walzer nonetheless believes that even if intervention threatens theterritory and political independence of another state, there are timeswhen it can be justified. The onus of proof of justification howeverlies with the leader of the state that intervenes and this can be aheavy burden, â€Å"not only because of the coercions and ravages thatmilitary intervention brings, but also because it is thought that thecitizens of a sovereign state have a right, insofar as they are to becoerced and ravaged at all, to suffer only at one another’s hands†. Arguments that states should, regardless of how they are governed,should be left to deal with own affairs and influenced by the thoughtsof John Stuart Mill who argued from a utilitarian viewpoint stronglyfor the right of a single political community to determine its ownaffairs – whether or not its political arrangements are free is not anissue for other states – members of any political society mustcultivate their own freedom in the way that individuals must cultivatetheir own virtue, self-help rather than intervention from an externalforce must be the way towards a just society. Such arguments do notstand up when applied to some of the systematic and well-documentedhuman rights abuses of the twentieth century – foreign governments makedecisions based on a realist perspective not to intervene, butnon-intervention based on the idea of self-determination is to avoidthe issue and hide behind outdated ideas. There is a point at whichrealism has to be put aside and so me form of moral stance must betaken. For Walzer, there are three situations in which theinternational resistance to boundary crossings can be ignored: 1. when a particular set of boundaries clearly contains two or morepolitical communities, one of which is already engaged in a large-scalemilitary struggle for independence; that is, when what is at issue issecession or ‘national liberation’ 2. when the boundaries have already been crossed by the armies of aforeign power, even if the crossing has been called for by one of theparties in a civil war, that is, when what is at issue iscounter-intervention; and 3. when the violation of human rights within a set of boundaries is soterrible that it makes talk of community or self-determination or‘arduous struggle’ seem cynical or irrelevant, that is, in cases onenslavement or massacre His criteria present a realistic scope for intervention. For all theideas of ethical foreign policies there has to be some realism ininternational relations in that states cannot simply intervene in everydispute between neighbours or outbreaks of political unrest in otherstates. Walzer’s criteria, particular his third, limit interventionwhen serious abuses of human rights appear to be taking place. At thispoint, political expediency and national self-interest should be putaside. Ultimately, Walzer’s thinking lead him towards an ethical theory ofpeace on the basis of sovereignty and other widely accepted states’rights. His values form the basis of a legalist paradigm, which providethe moral and legal structure for maintaining international peace. Hislegal paradigm also outlines the criteria for use of force tointervene. Its six key principles are: 1. An international society of independent states exists; 2. The states comprising the international society have rights,including the rights of territorial integrity and political sovereignty; 3. The use of force or threat of force by one state against another constitutes aggression and is a criminal act; 4. Aggression justifies two types of action: a war of self-defence bythe victim and a war of law enforcement by the victim and any othermembers of the international society; 5. Nothing but aggression justifies war 6. After the aggressor state has been militarily repulsed, it can be punished. Irrespective of the situation in a particular state and the legal ormoral issues around any form of intervention, the realist view ofinternational affairs can lead statesmen to decide againstintervention. Realists from Thucydides, Hobbes and Machiavelli throughto the likes of Kissinger and Waltz remain strictly sceptical aboutmoral concepts within international relations and assume that statesgoing to war or engaging in any form of intervention are more motivatedby power and their own national security than any moral issues. Thephrase â€Å"all’s fair in love and war†is often applied to the realistperspective with Walzer writing â€Å"referring specifically to war,realists believe that it is an intractable part of an anarchical worldsystem, that it ought to be resorted to only if it makes sense in termsof national self-interest† – in effect there are no moralconsideration in regard to military intervention, the human rightsabuses occurring in another state are of little importance to realists,intervention will only be considered if it is considered to beeconomically or strategically of value to the intervening state or itsleaders. This value can be political on occasions. There is littledoubt of the power of modern media to put pressure on politicians. TheUS intervention in Somalia and NATO action in Bosnia were to someextent related to public pressure on politicians to do something aboutscenes being broadcast into the homes of the electorate. Thinking on humanitarian intervention has had to adapt more recently tothe new type of wars that have proliferated across the globe since theend of the Cold War, for example the conflicts in the former Yugoslaviadriven by ancient ethnic hatreds. Certainly with the demise of thestand off between two military superpowers there has been greater scopefor the UN and individual states to become involved in conflictresolution and throughout the 1990s the UN has found itself constantlyinvolved in providing humanitarian aid, establishing safe havens,disarmament and demobilisation operations, monitoring and maintainingceasefires. New wars have involved a blurring of the distinction between war(usually defined as violence between states or organised politicalgroups), organised crime (violence undertaken by privately organisedgroups for private purposes, usually financial gain) and large-scaleviolations of human rights (violence undertaken by states orpolitically organised groups against individual). Some of the ethnichatred that has fuelled new wars has in particular led to terriblehuman rights abuses; events that put moral pressure on others states toconsider intervention. Mary Kaldor suggests that there are two types ofresponse to new wars – one is to draw on the old war idea of the nationstate and look for solutions along the lines of intervention and peacekeeping whilst the other response is a more negative and fatalisticoutlook: â€Å"because the wars cannot be understood in traditional terms,they are thought to represent a reversion to primitivism or anarchy andthe most that can be done there fore is to ameliorate the symptoms. Inother words, wars are treated as natural disasters.†Kaldor’s view rightly challenge the realist assumption that statesshould not involve themselves in humanitarian intervention unless thereis some advantage to be gained in a self-interested pursuit of power.What is required is a more political response to new wars and theattacks on human rights that accompany them. The internationalcommunity should be looking towards politics of inclusion that capturethe hearts and minds of protagonists and any such politicalmobilisation should override traditional geopolitics or short termdomestic concerns. This type of thinking moves closer to a type ofneo-realism which places more of an emphasis on the structural featuresof the international system and avoids the stress on the often anarchicstriving for power that reflects traditional realism. The drawback tothe neo realist approach is that its reliance on the determining impactof the structure of the international system allow policy makersrelatively little discretion. This can be seen to some extent in Darfuras representative from various states struggled to find a solution tothe crisis that met with consensus. There have of course been embarrassments for individual states andinternational organisations with attempts at humanitarian interventionin the 1990s, setbacks that will give weight to realist theory thatsovereign states should on the whole be left well alone. Kaldorconcludes that humanitarian intervention has had mixed success: â€Å"at best, people have been fed and fragile ceasefires have beenagreed†¦.at worst the UN has been shamed and humiliated, as, forexample, when it failed to prevent genocide in Rwanda, when theso-called safe haven of Srebrenica was overrun by Bosnian Serbs, orwhen the hunt for the Somali warlord Aideed ended in a mixture of farceand tragedy†. Nonetheless, the arguments for humanitarian intervention remain strong.Darfur is as good an example as any for this. As Orend writes â€Å"whyshould foreign states, which themselves respect human rights, be barredin principle from intervening in such illegitimate regimes?† Rwanda in particular serves as an example of both foreign states andinternational organisations initially taking a realist stance only toeventually to be spurred into action by the sheer scale of the genocidetaking place. In France’s case, the links between the powerful elitesin the two countries had long been established – not only had Francelong supported the Hutu regime but Francois Mitterand and RwandanPresident Habyarimana were personal friends, whilst their sons, JeanChristopher and Jean-Pierre were also friends and business associates.The two countries had mutual economic interests and there is evidencethat Jean Christopher was one of France’s biggest arms dealers to Rwanda. The French response to the developing crisis, when it came, was farfrom glorious. Rather than intervene to provide further killings itdecided to pull out its troops. In the previous week, the first of thegenocide they had evacuated as many as 1361 people including 450 Frenchnationals and 178 Rwandan officials and their families. No otherRwandan nationals were evacuated, not even Tutsi personnel from theFrench embassy or well-known opponents of the regime who had alreadybeen targeted by the militia. The role of the United Nations mission (UNAMIR) has receivedconsiderable criticism in analyses of the genocide. The UN had its owninternal politics to contend with and its policies on Rwanda were inturn determined to some extent by realist self-interest. As anorganisation it was largely reliant on the support of its most powerfulmembers on the Security Council. These nations, mindful of thedisastrous US intervention in Somalia were wary of investing troops andfinances into another African conflict. Realism came to the forefrontof the early decision making process. Human Rights Watch, in additionto criticism of the UN for not taking heed of Dallaire’s warnings, isalso critical of the scale of the mandate itself. It describes thedetails of the mandate as follows: â€Å"Not only was the UN slow, it was also stingy. The United States, whichwas assessed 31 per cent of UN peacekeeping costs, had suffered fromthe enormous 370 per cent increase in peacekeeping expenses from 1992to 1993 and was in the process of reviewing its policy on such operations. Quite simply the UN was not equipped to keep the peace in Rwanda.Members on its influential Security Council did not have the politicalwill to get involved, nor were they willing to take on the financialburden. The US and the UK, although less involved in Rwanda thanFrance, were similarly guilty of happily ignoring warnings of possiblegenocide and working towards the maintenance of the status quo. Bothhad sold arms to the Hutu regime and had trading links with Rwanda.Both also had little desire to see their own troops caught up as partof an UN force in Rwanda. The theory of non-intervention, as opposed torealism is another view that opposes humanitarian intervention. The keyassumptions and values for this concept are †¢Ã‚ the existing anarchic international system is morally legitimate †¢Ã‚ peoples have a right to political self-determination †¢Ã‚ states have a juridical right to sovereignty and territorial integrity †¢Ã‚ states have an obligation to resolve conflicts peacefully †¢Ã‚ force is a illegitimate instrument for altering the existing territorial boundaries Non –intervention theory argues in favour of an internationallegitimacy of states in which existing states are entitled to autonomyand domestic legitimacy which assumes that states are entitled torespect and support when they fulfil their core obligations as states.In terms of domestic legitimacy, in the light of the fact that thereare wide disparities in conceptions of human rights, this canessentially be interpreted that whether a state is entitled tonon-intervention depends largely on its subject’s approval of theregime itself. The counter-arguments of realism and moral intervention continue toplay a major role in international politics and are likely to continueto do so. It is a sad fact that the list of oppressive governments andmassacred populations is lengthy. Walzer points out that for every Naziholocaust or Rwanda there will be a number of smaller examples ofinjustice and abuse – so many that the international community cannothope to deal with. On a small scale at least, Walzer’s suggestion thatâ€Å"states don’t send their soldiers into other states, it seems, only tosave lives. The lives of foreigners don’t weigh that heavily in thescales of domestic decision-making† rings true – humanitarianintervention in smaller-scale situations is simply not realistic. Agreater test for the moral resolve of NGOs and wealthier nations istheir response in the face of large-scale humanitarian disasters andhuman rights abuses, again using Walzer’s words, when deal ing with actsâ€Å"that shock the moral conscience of mankind†. Ethical questions around the issues of international moral obligationstowards nations suffering from oppressive regimes and human rightsabuses are not easily resolved. Whilst humanitarian aid or interventionis generally seen as a morally correct route of action, politicalexpediency quite often takes precedence. Whilst it is generallyaccepted that, as Grotius believed, war ought not to be undertakenexcept for the enforcement of right and when once undertaken it shouldbe carried on within the bounds of law and good faith,  national selfinterest does not always allow for a strategy led by such moralincentives. In Darfur, the action of the Khartoum Government couldcertainly not be described as driven by moral incentives whilstelsewhere early responses to the crisis were driven by politicalexpediency Major states have to ask themselves which moral valuesshould influence their foreign policies and which international valueis more important – sovereignty or human r ights? The answer should behuman rights, yet there is a fine line between using these values froma moral perspective or manipulating them into a realist opportunity toindulge the national interest with intervention elsewhere. There areother difficult questions – do human rights violations justify foreignintervention and at what scale? Does international political moralityrequire the removal of illegal military regimes and the restoration ofdemocracy? There are countless regimes around the world to which theworld might turn its attention and ask itself these questions. For themost part, small conflicts and small-scale abuse of human rights are,rightly or wrongly, ignored. The situation in Darfur from 2003 onwardshowever gave the international community a scenario that it could notignore. The world had to make decisions upon hundreds of thousands oflives would rest. Chapter Three – The crisis in Darfur The current situation in Darfur can be traced back to February 2003when fighters from the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) and theJustice and Equality Movement (JEM) launched joints attacks againstgovernment garrisons in protest at what they saw as decades ofpolitical oppression and economic neglect by the Sudanese government.The attacks came at the same time that there had been high hopes of apeace settlement to the war in southern Sudan that had been ongoingbetween the government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army(SPLM/A) since independence in 1965. The government’s response was unequivocal. Citing the rebels as anaggressive force against the state it set out to crush the rebellion byforce and utilised the powerful force of Arab Janjaweed militias toattack not particularly rebel soldiers but the civilian populationsfrom where the rebels would have originated. The government expectedto crush the revolt, partly as it had done so in 1991 when a SPLA unitinfiltrated Darfur, and partly as it expected a lack on internationalinterest as Darfur was an internal Northern Sudanese issue with noChristian population and no oil interests involved. Khartoum –ledmilitary activity in late 2003 to early 2004 was brutal (â€Å"acounter-insurgency of extraordinary ferocity†) and carried out whilstthe government prevented any humanitarian aid reaching the civilianpopulation. It was an action led by political expediency withabsolutely no regard for the human rights of an innocent civilianpopulation. Hugo Slim describes th e military action as completelydisproportionate to the targeted guerrilla warfare of the two Darfurinsurgent groups and states that â€Å"systematic and widespread governmentand Janjaweed assaults on civilians, their villages, theirinfrastructure and their livelihoods along with forced displacement andland-grabbing, intended to make it impossible for the terrorised andevicted populations to return. As this went on, the Government alsoenforced what was almost a complete ban on humanitarian aid accessingthe country between October 2003 and February 2004. Early talks on the crisis saw the Khartoum Government deliberatelystonewall on major issues. It objected to upgrading the small AUobserver force from 300 to 3500,with an increase in its mandate toinclude protecting civilians, and was then forced to accept thismeasure by the UN Security Council. It was a realist approach – lookingsolely after its own interests and using delay in an internationalresponse to move along with its aim to displace the population ofDrafur. Government and Janjaweed Cooperation There is little realdoubt that the government has worked closely with the Janjaweedmilitias. Human Rights Watch (HRW) investigations concluded thatgovernment forces and militia troops have taken part in massacres andsummary executions of civilians, burnings of towns and villages andforcible depopulation of areas across Darfur. †We are the government†has been a common response of Janjaweed at checkpoints and whenentering villages and HRW reports that â€Å"the government and itsJanjaweed allies have killed thousands of Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa –often in cold blood, raped women and destroyed villages, food stocksand other supplies essential to the civilian population.†. In the early stages of the conflict, the Sudanese government barelyattempted to conceal its close working with the Janjaweed. Mans writesthat â€Å"the Janjaweed militias are said to be of largely Chadian originand finance themselves through plunder and pillage, reportedly enjoyingimplicit support from the Government in Khartoum.†But this isunderstating the relationship between the two. In April 2004, theSudanese Foreign Minister, Mustafa Osman Ismail, admitted a commoncause with the Janjaweed stating â€Å"the government may have turned ablind eye to the militias†¦This is true. Because these militia aretargeting the rebellion.† President Bashir also had spoken on 31December 2003 of the government’s determination to defeat the SLArebellions and warned darkly that â€Å"the horsemen†would be one of theweapons it would use. There is other clear evidence of well established links between thegovernment and Janjaweed leaders. Many of the militia leaders areestablished emirs or omdas from Arab tribes who have previously workedin government. For example, Abdullah abu Shineibat, an emir of the BeniHalba tribe is a Janjaweed leader in the Habila-Murnei area, whilstOmar Saef, an omda of the Awlad Zeid tribe is leader of the Janjaweedfrom Geineina to Misterei. Other evidence pointed to a similarconclusion of complicity between government and militia: Janjaweedbrigades were organised along army lines with forces wearing similaruniforms and officers using the same stripes; militia forces used thesame land cruisers and satellite phones as army personnel and there isevidence that Janjaweed members were given assurances that they wouldnot face local prosecution for crimes, with police forces beinginstructed to leave them alone. Again, the prevailing issue here ispolitical expediency overcoming any possible humani tarian response.Both the Government and Janjaweed had interests in devastating Darfur –there was political gain for the Government and financial gain for theJanjaweed. Both took the realist option of looking after themselves. Government and Militia forces attack civilians One of the mostnotable traits of the crisis in Darfur has been the fact that bothgovernment and militia forces have largely ignored rebel forces,preferring to use their weapons against the civilian population inareas that rebels may have originated from. HRW investigationsuncovered 14 incidents in Dar Masalit alone between September 2003 andFebruary 2004 in which 770 civilians were killed. It also gatheredwitness testimony to mass executions in the Fur areas of Wadi Salihprovince over the same period. Aerial bombardment of civilians has also been commonplace. The SudaneseGovernment has made extensive use of attack aircraft, dropping bombsloaded with metal shards to cause maximum injury and also utilisinghelicopter gun ships and MiG jet fighters. Bombing has also beendeliberately targeted at villages and towns where displaced citizenshave gathered – for example on August 27 2003, aircraft carried out anattack on the town of Habila which was packed with displaced civiliansfrom surrounding areas. 24 were killed. Government and Janjaweed forces have also systematically attacked anddestroyed villages, food stocks, water sources and other essentialitems essential for the survival of villages in West Darfur. Refugeesin Chad have confirmed a sweep south east of Geneeina in February 2004saw the destruction of a number of villages including Nouri, Chakoke,Urbe, Jabun and Jedida. The International Response The international response to the situation in Darfur has been mixed,characterised by a willingness to condemn the Sudanese Governmentalongside a dragging of heels in actually intervening to stop what theUS Government has labelled genocide. Alex De Waal suggests thatpolitical repercussions for the Sudanese Government were gravewriting: â€Å"International attention and condemnation exceeded allexpectations, culminating in Darfur being brought before the UnitedNations Security Council in July 2004†This analysis however fails tomention the scale of the crisis in the preceding months and suggests amore positive and effective response by the international communitythan was actually the case.. The international community may eventuallyhave come around to taking Darfur seriously – but much later than wasrequired. As Hugo Slim concludes: â€Å"the international community has notdenied, but it has delayed and dithered. Once engaged it fumbled andtook far too long to achie ve a united and sufficiently assertiveresponse.† There was a notable reluctance from the UN in particular to use theword genocide in relation to Darfur, a similar pattern to that had beenfollowed in Rwanda a decade earlier. It was in fact US Secretary ofState Powell that announced on September 9th 2004 that the USgo
Wednesday, November 13, 2019
Alfred Sasoons Poetry :: essays research papers
Sassoon's bitterness against the war is made clear through his poetry, which is filled with his resentment against war, the futility of it and the high price that had to be paid.In the poem 'A working party' Sassoon's feelings towards the futility of war and the waste of life that war brings about is made clear through his use of his language and the way he makes the reader feel as if they know the man in the poem. In this and many other poems, Sassoon uses irony and heavy sarcasm to make his true feelings known. In 'The Kiss', the entire poem has a very sarcastic tone, and the poem could actually be read as a pro-war poem, but it actually shows Sassoon's hatred for the war and how bitter he was about it. He calls his bullets and bayonet "brother lead and sister steel', saying 'in these I trust'. This is a perfect example of how Sassoon used sarcasm, because at face value, the poem seems psychopathic, as if it was written by a man that actually enjoyed killing and the harsh conditions of the war, when in actual fact it is a poem that is against the war.In 'A working Party', Sassoon specifically starts the poem off slowly, describing the men slowly making their way down the trenches, slipping into the mud and squeezing past other soldiers returning from the front line. Then, he ironically rushes the main character's death in the last two lines, after the man is thinking how slow time passes. The man's sudden death shocks the reader and shows how suddenly life can be taken away. It also makes the death of the character seem insignificant and unimportant, and Sassoon probably did this because he felt that not enough attention was paid to the men that lost their lives fighting for their country, like his brother.In 'The General' Sassoon uses a more direct way to show how he feels about the Generals who gave the orders, from well behind the front-line. I think that Sassoon was also bitter about the officers who gave orders although they knew nothing about what it was like in the trenches, and I think that Sassoon probably blamed them for much of the pointless deaths that occurred. Sassoon's resentment of the General comes through two lines of the poem. "And we're cursing his staff for incompetent swine" which is the fourth line, but does not hold any real impact until you read the last line of the poem - "But he did for them both by his plan of attack".
Monday, November 11, 2019
Case Study Write Up
Alin NIRAMORN Case Study Methods Lori Ostlund 09/019/2012 Case Write-Up Summary of Case Situation In the case, Raleigh & Rosse, Simons and Mahoney (2011) report that in the beginning of year 2010, R&R is being sued by its sales associates. The Federal Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) states that R&R has continued breaking the state law by encouraging employee to work â€Å"off the clock†. R&R is a U. S. luxury good retailer run by family member.The company mission is to serve their costumers with outstanding service. R&R Sale associates are expected to serve their costumer †off the floor†as a part of â€Å"Ownership Culture†. Linda Watkins, a CEO of R&R who was recruited by Brian Rosse, has admitted that at first Bill Schwartz, a Senior Vice President for Human Resource had been questioning in some aspects of the Ownership Culture and particularly Sales Per Hours (SPH) program. He also suggests Linda to apply different approach instance.However, Rosse believ es that Ownership Culture and SPH is the core of the company to success. Moreover, the economic downturn in years 2008 and 2009 has affected to luxury goods industry. R&R were also impacted by the economic crisis; the revenue continue dropped down rapidly. Central Issue How Raleigh & Rosse need to handle with sales associates who sued the company. Recommended Course of Action Linda should make a decision how to respond to the lawsuit by paying back damages to all employees. Basis for RecommendationR&R should set up an amount for one-time payment system because it can help the company safe money and it is fair for every employee. The case R&R (Simons and Mahoney, 2011) states that the employee who is the plaintiff in the lawsuit is asking the company to pay back twin amount of â€Å"non selling†hourly wages. The count judgment the company to pay in total of $200 million; consequently, this amount will affect the company financial. Therefore, R&R should offer an amount for pay back the claims, and make an agreement with all employees.For example, in the case of Nightmare at Nordstrom (Solmon, 1990), Nordstrom had set up ranged of amount for each claims; and sent out the claim sheet to all employees. The employee has to fill-in the detailed to verify the amount of â€Å"non-selling†hours they worked. As a result, Nordstrom paid less than $3 millions for the claims. In other word, there is high possibility for R&R to lose $200 million for the judgments, thus settlement for payment would be cheaper for the company.Moreover, an Ownership Culture program was introduced in 1992, which means there were a current employee and the old employee. Thus, retroactive compensation is considered as a big factor for the company. Indeed, the amount for pay back claims should be different between the old and new employee. For example, according to Solmon (1990) states that Nordstrom has sent out a letter to sales associates by offering to pay back the damage from $ 250 up to $1,000, depending on how long their worked for the company.To put that differently, it is fair for all employees, which is the current sales associates who is seeking for damage, and the old employee who should be paid for their royalties. In conclusion, the huge amount that R&R need to pay for the court it might affect the company financial statues. Thus, by offering the amount for pay back the claims would help the company safe the money. In additional, the ranged of amount that arranged for pay back the current and claims is reasonable for all employees.
Saturday, November 9, 2019
Need for Security Essay
Security and control is needed in a custodial environment as people are sent there for a reason so if they were allowed to do whatever they want then it wouldn’t be a punishment. An advantage of having control is that the staff will always have authority over the prisoners, which is vital as they must be able to enforce discipline. Another advantage of having control is that they can keep an account of offences that prisoners have committed. This will come in useful if the prisoner has adjudication, it will also come in usual when reviewing the prisoner. Having the IEP scheme in a prison is a good thing as it encourages the prisoners to behave, this will make security and control easier to manage as the prisoners aren’t doing things they shouldn’t be. It will also make prison life for the prisoners more enjoyable, which is an advantage as it’s another reason why they won’t misbehave. Searches are needed in prisons to ensure that prisoners aren’t in possession of any prohibited items, if they do have this then it could lead to potentially dangerous situations. An example of this is if a prisoner has a weapon then they may use this against other prisoners or against staff. It is also important that searches are carried out on visitors of the prison as they will try their hardest to smuggle items in for prisoners. This is an advantage as it prevents prisoners from having things that shouldn’t, having an item like drugs will lead to gangs within the prison and this is something that must be avoided. Another aspect of security which is a big advantage to the prisoners and the officers is the dynamic side of security. Prisoner officers monitor the prisoners to ensure that they are coping with life in prison; if they aren’t coping well at all it could lead to them becoming suicidal. Prisoners could self-harm or even commit suicide if the prison officers aren’t keeping an eye on them. It is the duty of the prison officer to ensure that they look after the prisoners so letting this happen would mean they aren’t carrying out their job efficiently. Having dynamic security is a big advantage as it stops this from happening.
Wednesday, November 6, 2019
Global Ineuality essays
Global Ineuality essays Industrial revolution marked a momentous turning point in human history. The Industrial Revolution created, first in Great Britain and then in continental Europe and North America, a growing and tremendously dynamic economic system. In the course of the 19th century, that system was extended across the face of the earth. The ultimate significance of the industrial revolution was that it allowed those regions of the world that industrialized in the 19th century to increase their wealth and power enormously in comparison to those that did not. As a result a gap between the industrializing regions (mainly Europe and North America) and the non-industrializing nations (mainly Africa, Asia and Latin America) opened up and grew steadily throughout the nineteenth century. Moreover, this pattern of uneven global development became industrialized, or built into the structure of the world economy. Thus we evolved a lopsided world. Commerce between nations has always been a powerful stimulus to economic development. Never was this truer than in the 19th century, when world trade grew prodigiously. In 1913 the value of world trade was roughly 38 billion, or about 25 times what it had been in 1800, even though prices of both manufactured goods and raw materials were lower in 1913 than in 1800. In a general way, the enormous increase in interlocking world economy centered in and directed by Europe. Europes economic breakthrough in a global perspective has revolutionary implications and consequences. In 1750 the average standard of living was no higher in Europe as a whole than in the rest of the world. In 1750 Europe was still a poor agricultural society. By 1970, however, the average person in the wealthiest countries had an income fully 25 times as great as that received by the average person in the poorest countries of Africa and Asia. It was industrialization that opened the gaps in average wealth and well-being among count...
Monday, November 4, 2019
How Cloud Computing Affects the Accounting World Research Paper
How Cloud Computing Affects the Accounting World - Research Paper Example However, in many institutions and traditional computing has been replaced with cloud computing. This is owing to the many advantages that cloud computing has over traditional computing. The superior traits of cloud computing over traditional computing include its elasticity, can be easily managed by the service provider and can be commercialized. In addition to that, cloud computing makes it possible for people to share documents with much ease. Thus, owing to the advantages of cloud computing and advancing in technology, many firms are adopting the system. How does the location independence of cloud computing help Deutche Bank or any other organization? Any organization using cloud computing can allow access to their customers to general transactions. In this case, cloud computing will be helping the organization increase its transparency. A direct effect of transparency is increased sales. Especially in a bank, customers want updates about what their money is being used to do. In a ddition, cloud computing also offers the general public an opportunity to learn about many organizations. Increased exposure will lead to increased sales and gaining of new customers. Location independence allows the organization to control the flow of information (King, 2008). This leads to increased security for the customers. Some banks have reported cases of staff members looting customers. This can be eliminated by cloud computing in that only few people can be granted access to sensitive information. The security of any data is protected from anyone wishing to alter anything. In the bank, this is advantageous as it can avoid losses from opportunistic individuals. Another way through which cloud computing offer services to banks and other organizations is by automated saving of data. Once data is entered, it is automatically saved and access of that data is limited to people who have been cleared to have access. Many firms using traditional computing have suffered from loss of data owing to power or machine failure. However, with cloud computing any server can be used to access the data that was stored. Would cloud computing be useful to your school? Cloud computing is designed for both public and private use. I believe that cloud computing can be useful to our school due to its advantages. These include saving time and money for the school. The school can benefit from information technology infrastructure at minimal costs. Also in cloud computing hardware upgrading is not needed which can save the school a lot of money. The time consumed during hardware upgrades which can result in systems shutdown can be avoided and minimized (Combs, 2012). The school will also save time and money in terms of laborers required. Another advantage that can benefit the school is that cloud computing enhances integration of data. Activities undertaken by the staff can be dealt with within a short period leaving a lot of time to deliver quality education to the students. Ano ther advantage is that with cloud computing, the school gets to be a part of developing technology. This can be beneficial to both the students and faculty especially the ones engaged in computer science and information technology courses. The students benefit from an opportunity to practice within their field which gives them some experience. In business organizations, cloud computing has greatly contributed to easy management of the business. Storage and retrieval of records is cost effective and does not consume a lot
Saturday, November 2, 2019
What is DNA Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words
What is DNA - Research Paper Example Scientists have played a great role in this progress as it is due to their efforts that the understanding of the human body has become possible. DNA which is a biochemical substance in the human body is one such example. Following the understanding of DNA, it has become an important tool used by forensic experts and it has become an important part of the criminal justice system. DNA which stands for deoxyribonucleic acid is a biochemical molecule that is basically made up of two DNA chains that are complementary to each other. These chains are interwoven polynucleotide chains whose basic units are four nucleotide subunits. The DNA molecule is a helical structure with the stands being attached to each other via hydrogen bonds. DNA carries the genetic information of every individual. The strands of DNA separate and each strand is utilized for the purpose of transferring of genetic material. Any living organisms including the human beings only synthesize those proteins in their body whose information is present on their DNA (Alberts 2002). The work for the discovery DNA started towards the end of the nineteenth century. The Swiss chemist Friedrich Miescher recognized DNA as a chemical molecule in the late nineteenth century. Research work on DNA continued and other scientists who included Phoebus Levene and Erwin Chargaff worked hard for finding out its structure and chemical bonding. They laid down the scientific foundation which was then followed by Watson and Crick who finally discovered the helical structure of DNA and explained the functioning of DNA and its genetic coding (Pray 2008). Testing of DNA on biological materials which included body fluids, hair and the skin started in the year 1985 in U.S.A. This procedure is the most reliable clinical investigation and is of utmost importance in the inquiries of rape cases. This is because DNA is a biochemical molecule which consists of the entire unique genetic pattern of an individual. The efficacy of these results of DNA testing from the biological materials is even above 99 percent. The first criminal who was awarded punishment following DNA testing was a rapist, Tommie Lee Andrews in the year 1987 in Florida (James 2009). There are many uses of DNA . Its usage in the criminal investigation procedures is its most common use. Biological materials are tested for DNA and this provides for the conviction of criminals in cases which include murder as well as sexual assault. DNA testing is also used for confirming the relationship status of individuals. It can assist in finding lost people. This was true following the September 11 attacks in the United States when DNA testing was performed to identify and tell the families of the victims regarding the deaths of their loved ones. Furthermore, paternity DNA testing can also help solving cases related to property as well as custody related issues. Apart from the legal and criminal field, DNA testing has been extremely crucial for providing with breakthroughs in the medical field for the discovery of new pathological conditions. It has also been helpful for anthropologists to understand evolution and human existence (Lamb 2007; James 2009). The criminal justice system has greatly changed and progressed following the usage of DNA testing procedures. DNA databases have been created in many countries across the globe for the purpose of assessment and identification of offenders. In the United States, by the year 2009, the FBI had the DNA samples of all the criminals who had been convicted as well as the sexual wrongdoers from all the states of the country. Maintenance of such criminal records is one of the breakthroughs in
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